Operation Nemesis: The Assassination Plot that Avenged the Armenian Genocide - Bogosian Eric - Страница 88

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12. From a letter from Natali to Sachaklian, dated September 30, 1920. Marian Mesrobian MacCurdy, Sacred Justice: The Voices and Legacy of the Armenian Operation Nemesis (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2015), p.166.

13. Interview with the author at the Nubarian Library, Paris, September 8, 2011.

14. Herbert, Ben Kendim, p. 321.

15. Tadeusz Swietochowski, Russian Azerbaijan, 1905–1920: The Shaping of National Identity in a Muslim Community (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 160.

16. Lawrence James, The Golden Warrior: The Life and Legend of Lawrence of Arabia (London: Paragon House, 1993), p. 373.

17. Sir Andrew Ryan would also serve as chief dragoman, or high-level translator, during the peace talks in Lausanne in 1921.

18. British National Archives, From Directorate of Intelligence, marked “SECRET,” C.P. 2192/A Monthly Review of Revolutionary Movements in British Dominions Overseas and Foreign Countries [no. 24, October 1920], 2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W., 30 November 1920: “Talaat Pasha, who lives at Hardenbergerstrasse [sic] 5 or 6 Berlin, is said recently to have been very active. He presides over the Turkish Egyptian organization, which has 10 prominent members, one of them a cousin of Enver Pasha. The German Foreign office is indirectly subsidising Egyptian students in Berlin. The money passes through the hands of a certain Herr von Kardoff and Sheikh Shawish, and is finally distributed by Talaat in order that the Egyptians and everyone else may believe that the money comes from Pan-Islamic sources. The students in this way are induced to carry out Pan-Islamic propaganda.”

19. Derogy, Resistance and Revenge, p. 77.

20. Tehlirian memoir, p. 290.

21. Ibid.

22. For quotations in this passage, see ibid., pp. 267–68.

23. Ibid., p. 272.

24. The quotations that follow are from Tehlirian memoir, pp. 274–76.

25. Many of the buildings on Hardenbergstrasse were destroyed during World War II. Number 4 Hardenbergstrasse is listed as “durch Sprengwirkung zerstorte,” or destroyed by bombing.

26. Priya Satia, Spies in Arabia: The Great War and the Cultural Foundations of Britain’s Covert Empire in the Middle East (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 33, 34.

27. Unless otherwise noted, all quotations in this portion of the chapter are from Herbert, Ben Kendim, pp. 307–28.

28. Sir Basil Thomson was for a time both an assistant commissioner at Scotland Yard and director of intelligence at the Home Office.

29. Aubrey Herbert, Ben Kendim: A Record of Eastern Travel (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1924), p. 308.

30. Herbert, Ben Kendim, p. 318.

31. Mim Kemal Oke, The Armenian Question, 1914–1923 (Nicosia: K. Rustem & Brother, 1988), p. 269. Oke provides no citation for what he reports as “fact”: that the intelligence service made contact with the Soviets.

32. Aubrey Herbert papers, British National Archives, London. Sir Reginald Wildig Allen Leeper, born in Sydney, Australia, would eventually become head of Britain’s Political Intelligence Department. During World War I he was an intelligence officer. He was also a member of the Lausanne delegation.

33. U.S. Department of State, Papers Relating to Foreign Relations, 1919, vol. 2, p. 830, University of Wisconsin Digital Collection. General Bridges was Sir George Tom Molesworth Bridges, who had extensive experience in the Greek and Turkish campaigns. Curzon was Lord Curzon, who was foreign secretary at the time. Special thanks to Nora Nercessian for her assistance in this research.

34. Aubrey Herbert papers, British National Archives, London.

35. Parliamentary archives, British National Archives, London, LG/F/93/4/11. Churchill was at the time secretary of state for the colonies.

36. Margaret Fitzherbert, The Man Who Was Greenmantle: A Biography of Aubrey Herbert (London: J. Murray, 1983).

37. John Buchan, Greenmantle (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1916), p. 23.

38. Kemalist Turkey did eventually share in the Mosul oil wealth via its shares in the Turkish Petroleum Company, which would be renamed the Iraq Petroleum Company.

39. Derogy, Resistance and Revenge, p. 82.

40. Shahan Natali, “On the Trail of the Great Criminal,” Nayiri 12, no. 4, June 14, 1964, pt. 4, p. 4.

41. The account that follows is drawn from Tehlirian memoir, p. 298.

42. Tehlirian memoir, p. 304.

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid., p. 306.

CHAPTER 7: THE TRIAL

1. Tessa Hofmann, “New Aspects of the Talat Pasha Court Case,” Armenian Review 4, no. 168 (1989): 41–53.

2. Derogy, Resistance and Revenge, p. 111.

3. New York Times, June 3, 1921, “Says Mother’s Ghost Ordered Him to Kill,” reprinted in Kloian, The Armenian Genocide, p. 344.

4. All quotes from the trial are from Der Prozess Talaat Pascha. Also see Christoph Dinkel, “German Officers and the Armenian Genocide,” Armenian Review 44, no. 1/173 (Spring 1991): 91.

5. “Assassin Boasts of Talaat’s Death,” New York Times, March 17, 1921; “Talaat Is Mourned as Germany’s Friend,” New York Times, March 18, 1921. Both articles appear in Kloian, The Armenian Genocide, p. 343.

CHAPTER 8: THE BIG PICTURE

1. General Liman von Sanders was arrested in February 1919 by the British occupying force. He was held for a brief time to stand trial himself for war crimes but was released before any trial could take place. Dinkel, “German Officers and the Armenian Genocide,” p. 78.

2. I did not have access to the “German documents” Lepsius refers to here. The debate on the exact nature of Germany’s cooperation is ongoing. See Vahakn Dadrian, German Responsibility in the Armenian Genocide: A Review of the Historical Evidence of German Complicity (Watertown, MA: Blue Crane Books, 1996); and the sources cited by Hilmar Kaiser and Donald Bloxham for the two sides of the issue.

3. Dadrian, History of the Armenian Genocide, p. 254; see also Friedrich von Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, trans. Allen H. Powles (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1914), p. 19.

4. “As for the Turks, the German military personnel had so much mastery over them that no Turk, irrespective of rank, position or class, dared to challenge them. Let one example suffice: When the Turkish major in charge of the Mamure station dared to show reluctance to put a whole [train] car at the disposal of forty German soldiers, an ordinary German soldier killed him with a shot of his pistol. The matter—a German soldier having killed the Turkish station commander—was not even brought before a court-martial.” Balakian, Armenian Golgotha, p. 312.

5. Liman von Sanders is referring here to embattled areas where the Armenians dared to resist pressure from Ottoman troops. German artillery was decisive in the destruction of these holdouts. See Raphael de Nogales, Four Years beneath the Crescent, translated by Muna Lee (London: Sterndale Classics, 2003); Paul Leverkuehn, A German Officer during the Armenian Genocide: A Biography of Max von Scheubner-Richter, translated by Alasdair Lean (London: Taderon Press for the Gomidas Institute, 2008); Vahakn N. Dadrian, German Responsibility in the Armenian Genocide: A Review of the Historical Evidence of German Complicity (Watertown, MA: Blue Crane Books, 1996).

6. The exact definition of the term “genocide” is still being debated. The following from Wikipedia: “Genocide is the systematic destruction of all or a significant part of a racial, ethnic, religious or national group” via “(a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” Genocide also entails conspiracy to commit genocide; direct and public incitement to commit genocide; attempt to commit genocide; and complicity in genocide. It is important to note that the term “genocide” is not rooted in “genetics.” Also, “genocide” is a legal term. Once it has been established that genocide has occurred, legal attempts at reparations are possible. Actions do not have to be one hundred percent effective to be a genocide. Denial has been called the last stage of genocide.

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